Category Archives: Power

The Mayor’s Temperament, and What’s Best for the City

On Tuesday November 7, the City of Syracuse elected Ben Walsh to be its next mayor.

Voters chose Walsh, in part, because of his temperament. Just about all of the people who endorsed him brought it up. On November 5, the Post-Standard published the results of a poll showing that twenty percent of voters were going to choose the candidate with the best temperament for the job.

People liked that he’s not combative. Helen Hudson, President-Elect of the Common Council, called Walsh a “calm, quiet spirit,” and Common Councilor-Elect Joe Driscoll said that Walsh could “put aside the often petty, personal bickering and division that has too long dominated our collective efforts.”

This is an issue because Mayor Stephanie Miner’s personal relationships with County Executive Joanie Mahoney and Governor Andrew Cuomo have soured over the last eight years. People in Syracuse have watched it happen, and they’ve seen cooperation between the City, the County, and the State fall apart on projects like the new SU stadium, consolidation, and State Aid to Municipalities. The City is almost out of money, and it’s going to have to work with both the County and the State to avoid bankruptcy. People wanted a mayor who wouldn’t let personal animosity get in the way of that work.

There’s a mistake in this line of thinking, though. The City hasn’t failed to work with the County and the State just because the Mayor doesn’t get along with the County Executive and the Governor. All three governments answer to voters with conflicting interests, and those interests are more important that the personal feelings of any elected official.

Take the stadium proposal from back in 2014. Mayor Miner asked the State for money to replace all of the City’s water mains because the constant breaks were draining the City’s budget and messing up people’s lives. Governor Cuomo is worried about the effect that State taxes have on New York’s business climate, so he doesn’t like to spend State money on projects that do not help that image. He proposed that the state would pay to build a new stadium for SU on vacant state-owned land in Syracuse, with the hope that the development would generate enough sales tax revenue to pay for the City’s water main repairs. That plan didn’t work for the City, though, because it would have increased infrastructure costs immediately without any guaranteed increase in tax revenue because SU doesn’t pay property taxes. So the project never went forward because the State and the City had mutually exclusive goals, but people acted like the problem was really that Mayor Miner doesn’t get along with Governor Cuomo.

This pattern has repeated in a lot of big local projects: the City demands what it needs, the County and the State demand something different, cooperation breaks down, and it all gets blamed on personalities.

Syracuse has real needs. They’re deep and painful to look at, and they make everything more complicated, but whoever’s Mayor is going to have to demand that they’re met. Ben Walsh won 54% of the City-wide vote, but the the six districts with the highest concentrations of public housing, the six districts where those needs are greatest, he only got 20%. The people living in those places aren’t looking for a Mayor who’ll make quick deals with the County and the State. They need a Mayor who’ll advocate for them when the Governor tells Syracuse to “fix your own pipes,” or when the Suburban-Dominated Consensus Commission tries to turn Syracuse into a “debt-district.” They need for Ben Walsh to do what’s best for them, even when that means rejecting the County and the State.

The Threat of Consolidation Undermined the Shared Services Proposal

On Monday September 11, Onondaga County held the final public hearing on its shared services plan. After that hearing, the County amended the plan. The new draft includes only one item of cooperation between Onondaga County and the City of Syracuse–a joint application for Medical Insurance for employees of the County, the City, and the City School District.

This is a pretty shallow agreement coming on the heels of two years of public debate about the possibility of merging City and County government. Beginning in 2014, the Consensus Commission began its work on a proposal for government consolidation in Onondaga County. In 2015 the Central New York Regional Economic Council included such a merger in its successful application to the Upstate Revitalization Initiative. in February of this year, Consensus released its final report recommending more than forty different ways that local governments could save money by sharing services. The most explosive recommendation was to dissolve the City of Syracuse, transfer its powers and assets to the County, and maintain the old city line as the boundaries of “debt district” responsible for payments to the Syracuse City School District’s pension fund.

Ask about the wide gap between those ambitious proposals and the small ideas that made it into the plan’s final draft, and Onondaga County Executive Joanie Mahoney will point out that this shared services proposal is distinct from the efforts of the Consensus Commission and the Regional Economic Council. Every County in New York State was required to write a shared services proposal as a result of legislation passed along with this year’s state budget. A City-County merger can still occur separately through a local referendum.

It’s telling, though, that even the Post-Standard and citizen groups like Uplift Syracuse were confused about the relationship between shared services and consolidation. The community has been reading similar reports on both types of proposals for years now–lists of government services that could be made more efficient if administered at a higher level accompanied by estimates of potential savings. The same politicians offered the same rationales for both consolidation and sharing services.

The people pushing shared services in Onondaga County–namely County Executive Mahoney and New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo–missed a chance to show that their ideas could work. They muddled their message so badly that the modest shared services plan became identified with the politically toxic proposals for consolidation, and that doomed the discussion from the start.

That’s too bad, because the City and the County should work together on certain things. Economic development is one example. That’s something that City leaders could get behind, but not when they have to reassure their voters that suburban politicians aren’t trying to undermine City communities.

The shared services debacle should be a lesson to the half dozen people running for the mayor’s office. There’s a narrative in this election that Syracuse just needs someone nicer–that a lot of the City’s problems stem from Mayor Stephanie Miner’s bad relationship with the County Executive and with the Governor. That narrative assumes that all the responsibility for those relationships rests with Mayor Miner–it doesn’t. All three politicians answer to their own constituencies, and too often the County Executive and the Governor have ignored the Mayor’s position when pushing some policy or proposal. Unless the next mayor plans to just roll over, he or she is going to have public disagreements with both the County Executive and the Governor.

Governor Cuomo’s Progressive Credentials and Upstate’s Forgotten Cities

As New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo positions himself for a 2020 presidential run, both mainstream and left-leaning news media have published a bevy of opinion pieces about his troubled relationship with New York State progressives. These pieces argue that the Governor’s headline progressive policies are just for show–that he only pushes things like marriage equality once they’re politically expedient, or that that he designs policies like the Excelsior Scholarship to get national attention without really helping the poor.

The common diagnosis is that the Governor is building a sort of radical-centrist resume. He balances policies important to voters in urban liberal New York City against those important in rural conservative Upstate New York. The idea is that his progressive policies will appeal to voters on the urbanized coasts while his work in Upstate New York will appeal to those in the post-industrial Midwest.

The obvious tension is that Upstate New York is not purely conservative nor is it purely rural. New York City makes it easy to forget the size of Upstate’s cities, but Syracuse, Rochester, and Buffalo each have more people than the biggest city in ten other states. Rochester and Buffalo are each larger than the biggest city in seventeen other states. These are urban places that reliably elect democrats. They have more in common with the coastal metropolises than they do with the rural parts of America’s interior. When Speaker of the Assembly Carl Heastie visited Upstate for the first time in 2015, he marveled at our cows, but he also said “particularly in the urban center, the problems that are facing Syracuse are the problems that I face back home in the Bronx when we talk about education, when we talk about poverty.”

The Governor has a lousy record on these issues in these urban centers. In 2014, he mused about expanding the Buffalo Billion program to other upstate cities, but when Mayor Stephanie Miner proposed to spend the money on water infrastructure instead of tourist attractions the Governor responded by saying “fix your own pipes.”

In the Governor’s 2015 State of the State address, he tried to say that urban schools don’t have a money problem by pointing out that the Buffalo School District receives a lot of state aid, choosing to ignore the fact that Buffalo is so poor that state aid doesn’t close the gap in total spending per student between BSD and richer suburban districts.

In 2015 when Centro was going to cut its Sunday and late-night service to fill a budget gap, the Governor’s initial reaction was to say “I didn’t know anything about it. The state is funding it at the same amount we funded it last year. Somebody must have cut it. Not me,” as if flat funding isn’t the same as a cut when expenses are rising, and as if public transportation hasn’t been underfunded for decades.

In 2016, Preet Bharara revealed that the Governor’s tourism-based economic development plans for upstate cities have less to do with replacing the jobs that left with Carrier, Bethlehem Steel and Kodak, and more to do with enriching campaign donors like Cor.

Through 2017, the Governor has pushed city and county governments to consolidate. He’s pitched the initiative as a way to reduce property taxes, but it would also dilute city residents’ representation in local government and transfer power away from communities of color.

Governor Cuomo treats upstate cities with a mixture of condescension and contempt. The region is important to his political narrative so he showers it with money, but all those subsidies go towards banner projects that do not address the underlying issues that erode long-term city residents’ quality of life. Ask for an aerial gondola or performing arts venue, and he’s all in. Point out failing bus service or inadequate water infrastructure, and he’s either ignorant or uninterested. That’s the real hole in the Governor’s progressive resume.

Syracuse University’s Campus Framework and the City

On May 15, Syracuse University published its Campus Framework. This document “is meant to guide future potential development and decision-making” on both the University’s “physical campus and the surrounding area” until 2037. The plans for the campus’ “surrounding area” will have a direct impact on the City’s Near Eastside.

The last forty years show how Syracuse University’s building programs can either help or hurt the neighborhoods that abut the campus. During the 1970s and 80s–a period that the Framework calls “Strategic Investment”–Syracuse University closed public streets on University Hill and built new dorms on South Campus in order to remove students as much as possible from the City. The most visible project from this period is Bird Library, a concrete bunker built on top of what had been a public park and which cut off the intersection of Walnut Avenue and University Place.

Euphemistically, the Framework describes all of this building as “introspective”–it was really just an attempt to wall the campus off from the City. As the University separated its campus from the surrounding neighborhoods, it also discouraged students from living in city communities and contributing to their well-being. This ‘introspection’ added to the City’s myriad problems during these decades.

From the 1990s until 2014–a period that the Framework calls “Campus + City”–Syracuse University outgrew the wall that it had built along Waverly Avenue, and it had to locate new facilities further and further from the insular campus quad. Eventually, the University complemented this physical expansion with new services and initiatives that benefited both students and city residents. The most visible project from this period is the Connective Corridor, a free public bus route running from a university building in Armory Square to the main campus on University Hill.

Practical and economic factors forced the University to expand and expose itself to the City, but programs like the Connective Corridor, the Near Westside Initiative, and Say Yes to Education had a genuine positive impact on the community. Nancy Cantor, the University Chancellor who drove much of this new development, saw the University as an ‘Anchor Institution’ that could provide employment, capital, philanthropy, and a community vision for the City of Syracuse. She understood that city problems, if left unsolved, could eventually become university problems, so it was in the University’s interest to work for the benefit of the entire community. The two would succeed or fail together.

The Framework proposes to meld the ideas that guided campus development during these two periods. Like the “Campus + City” period, it looks for space to grow beyond the campus’ traditional boundaries, but like the “Strategic Investment” period, it seeks to draw a line between that new growth and the surrounding neighborhoods. The next period of campus development–which the Framework calls “Campus-City”–is ambivalent about about the University’s relationship to the City, but it should ultimately benefit the neighborhoods that surround the redeveloped campus.

According to the Framework, the chief challenge of the Campus-City period will be to consolidate the physical expansion of the Campus + City period while regaining the insular feeling achieved during the Strategic Investment period:

Syracuse University’s close physical connection to the city is an asset for partnerships and campus vibrancy; yet, it also creates challenges for an identifiable, clear sense of campus arrival. While the historic Campus on the Hill occupies a clearly defined area south of the Einhorn Family Walk, the University’s many other buildings within the Campus-City Community are not clearly defined.

It’s not enough that university buildings stretch down the northern slope of University Hill–those individual buildings must create a “clearly defined area” that campus visitors can enter or exit through “gateways.” That area’s definition should consist of “strong architectural design” communicating “University presence” and achieved through renovation of existing buildings and redevelopment of underused land.

The northern slope of University Hill lacks definition because it’s covered with surface parking. The University owns many of these lots, and the Framework proposes that it construct new dormitories on most of them. By designing these buildings all at once, the University can unify their facades and extend the campus’ clearly defined area all the way north to Harrison Street.

There is an economic incentive here as well. The University is in some financial trouble, and it can’t afford to keep buying up more land every time it needs to construct a new building. By more fully developing the land that it already owns, the University can add thousands of square feet of classroom and residential space without purchasing any more real estate.

Despite the insularity inherent in any plan to create “gateways” (entrances that imply barriers), this plan should benefit the neighborhood north of Harrison Street. First, by moving all of the dorm space from South Campus to University Hill, the University will bring an enormous buying population within walking distance of a struggling retail market. That will support the businesses along Genesee and Fayette Streets, and it will draw new businesses to the neighborhood, putting more daily errands and jobs within walking distance for the people who already live there.

Second, the decision not to buy any more land means that the University will not actively displace nearby residents. The majority of people living in the neighborhood rent their homes, so they’d be particularly vulnerable if the University continued to buy up land. This also means that there will be less total demand for land in the surrounding neighborhoods, and that will keep rents down.

Third, the Framework’s proposed upgrades to the Centro system will benefit everybody who rides the bus. After the University helps Centro implement the technology necessary to support “Real-Time Bus Arrival Information” and a “Bus Locator App,” Centro can turn around and offer those services to all of its riders. The Framework also proposes “Free Centro” for students–a subsidy that would boost ridership figures and automatically increase Centro’s state aid under the State Transit Operating Assistance funding formula.

Local government has work to do to capitalize on this opportunity. Just like the Strategic Investment period, the University still wants to control the public spaces within its campus. These include streets like University Place–long closed to through traffic and recently turned into a footpath–and parks like Walnut Park–a quarter of which is covered up by Bird Library, and which the Framework discusses as if it belongs to the University. City Hall needs to hold the line and keep public spaces public. That makes the difference between an insular campus and a Forbidden City on University Hill.

The State or SUNY Upstate or whoever it is that’s responsible also needs to let go of the land where Kennedy Square used to stand. The original plan for the site–displacing poor families in order to build a state-run luxury “neighborhood”–was bad, and it probably won’t ever get built. The land has sat vacant for four years, but developers are building new apartments along its edges. To more equitably distribute the benefits of land ownership, the State should allow City Hall to subdivide that land into normal-sized lots, and then it should sell those lots off to private developers who can build apartment buildings, stacked flats, single family homes, office buildings, and retail space on this prime real estate between the University and Downtown Syracuse.

 

The Westcott Neighborhood enjoys all kinds of advantages because of its proximity to Syracuse University. Students and professors live alongside families without any formal relationship to the University. Between subsidized apartments, cheap apartments, luxury apartments, affordable houses, and expensive houses, rich people and poor people all can find a place to live. The neighborhood has good transit, two grocery stores, and an active business district, allowing people to meet their daily needs without owning a car. It’s a place where all kinds of different people can make a good life.

The plans described in the Framework can bring the same benefits to the neighborhood north of Harrison Street. For all of its abstract discussion of architectural definition and efficient land use, the plan amounts to this: the University will move a lot of student housing from South Campus to the parking lots along the main campus’ northern fringe. That will instantly increase the area’s population without driving up its rents, and that means more money circulating through the neighborhood. If City and State government handle this change well, the result will be a larger, denser, healthier neighborhood between University Hill and Downtown Syracuse.

The University is asking for comments from the on the Framework. You can submit them at this link.

Onondaga Lake and the Onondaga Nation

In April, the State published the Onondaga Lake Natural Resource Damage Assessment Restoration Plan and Environmental Assessment. This document signals the State’s intent to force Honeywell to build habitat and recreational facilities in and around Onondaga Lake as compensation for all of the damage done to the Lake by industrial activity. The habitat and recreation proposals contain little detail, but the State will flesh them out more fully when it publishes an Environmental Impact Statement for public review and comment. There will be more to dissect when that happens.

Right now, though, the plan’s most obvious flaw is that it only mentions the Onondaga Nation in its listing of Cultural and Historic Resources. The Onondaga Nation should play a central role in any plan to restore the Lake’s ecology, and it should receive reparations for the specific harm that it’s suffered at the hands of industry and government.

The Onondaga Nation should have a say in plans for habitat rehabilitation and other environmental projects because it is the only party that has demonstrated actual concern for the health of the lake. Honeywell wants to do as little as possible as cheaply as possible, and the State and County are primarily concerned that the Lake get clean enough to attract tourists. Every time Honeywell has cut a corner, or failed to deliver on a promise, it’s been the Onondagas who’ve called them out on it. It’s doubtful that a plan written without their input will truly repair the damage done by Honeywell and its predecessors.

More outrageously, the plan doesn’t even mention reparations for the Onondaga Nation. It lists anglers, joggers, and birdwatchers all as people who have suffered harm as a result of the lake’s contamination, but it fails to name the people who hold the lake sacred. It takes an act of willing blindness to pretend that recreational fishers have suffered more than the Onondagas or that they’re more deserving of reparations than the Onondagas. The State needs to put its commitment to making full reparations in a legal actionable document in order to prevent more broken promises.

It’s too early to have much of an opinion about a lot that’s contained in this report. Will the State try to privatize land along the lake? Are the environmental restorations adequate? Will Onondaga County finally give the City of Syracuse access to its Loop-the-Lake Trail? Will the State try to build an aerial gondola between Liverpool and Solvay? These are all questions that will be answered in the future as the State drafts an Environmental Impact Statement.

It’s never too early, though, to point out that this Lake has a history and a meaning that predates the creation of the City of Syracuse, Onondaga County, and the State of New York. The Onondagas have a right to Onondaga Lake, and they have an overriding interest in its health. It’s unacceptable that reparations to them and input from them are not included in this Restoration Plan. The State, the County, and Honeywell do not want to work with a partner that will demand real restoration, but they must, and we must hold them to it.

Contact them by phone at 315 552 9784, online at this link, or, better yet, in person at one of the three public meetings:

10 am – 12 pm, Thursday, May 11

Room 203 of the Center of Excellence Building

727 E. Washington Street

Syracuse, NY 13244

 

4:30 pm – 6 pm, Thursday, May 18

Honeywell’s Onondaga Lake Visitors Center

280 Restoration Way

Syracuse, NY 13209

 

7:30 am – 8:45 am, Friday, May 19

City Hall Commons Atrium

201 E. Washington Street

Syracuse, NY 13202

Ownership and Power in the Housing Market

When Boston’s Planning & Development Agency proposed a zoning change that would encourage high-end residential development in the Jamaica Plains neighborhood, community activists turned out to oppose it. When a property developer built luxury apartments in an abandoned factory on Syracuse’s impoverished Westside, the Post-Standard endorsed the project as a sign of the neighborhood’s revival.

It’s not hard to account for the difference between these two responses. In Boston, two things are true: (1) large numbers of affluent people are moving into the city center and driving up demand for city housing, and (2) many people who already live in the city rent their housing. New demand for city housing creates wealth by increasing the value of existing real estate. In a rent-heavy market, this new wealth flows to landlords and not to renters. New demand for city housing also increases the price of any given housing unit. In a rent-heavy market, rising rents push out long-term tenants and bring in affluent newcomers. New demand for city housing enriches landlords and empowers newcomers at the expense of the existing community. The Jamaica Plains zoning change is both an expression and a catalyst of this transfer of political and economic power.

Syracuse, on the other hand, is so starved for visible signs of economic activity, that almost any building project for any purpose anywhere seems like a good thing. Rental units make up more than 60% of the housing in Syracuse, but the City is so poor and its real estate market so weak that it’s hard to imagine that any new building could pose a real threat to the existing community.

It’s only a matter of time, though, until demand for luxury housing inflates Syracuse’s real estate values. Every metropolitan area in the United States contains a large and growing number of people who want to live in ‘the city.’ So long as a city has space where property developers can build apartments reminiscent in some way of Manhattan (exposed brick, city views, open floor plans, etc), that city will support a luxury housing market. Syracuse has this space, and property developers are already building these kinds of apartments.

When real estate prices do, inevitably, rise, the people who own Syracuse’s real estate will control that new wealth, and they will determine who can live where. Before a flood of affluent people move into Syracuse and drive up demand, the existing community must protect its political and economic power by taking ownership of its housing.

 

Real estate is expensive, and it’s taken a whole complex of government programs and private interests to make home ownership a reality for so many Americans. For a variety of reasons, these traditional means of buying a home are often unavailable to people in Syracuse. In response, local organizations and residents have developed three proven alternatives to the traditional home-buying complex: non-profit lending, the Land Bank, and cooperative ownership.

Traditional banks won’t lend in Syracuse because they can’t guarantee that the land will increase in value, and because so many potential borrowers are poor. Non-profit lenders like Home HeadQuarters can fill this gap because their primary goal is to get people into homes–not to profit from the transaction. Non-profit lenders are doubly effective when they partner with neighborhood organizations like the Near Westside Initiative to actively transfer land ownership from outside landlords to community members.

Syracuse is full of empty houses. These should be the most affordable options available to people trying to buy a home, but too often these houses belong to people who prefer to keep the buildings vacant. When these property owners fail to pay their taxes, the Greater Syracuse Land Bank can seize their buildings. As an institution committed the the community’s future, the Land Bank can then sell these houses to people who want to live in them.

Large apartment buildings will always be too expensive for a single family to purchase, but groups of families can pool their money to purchase these buildings cooperatively. The people living at 377 West Onondaga Street have done this, meaning that each resident owns a share of the entire building and will benefit when it appreciates in value. This is currently Syracuse’s only cooperatively owned apartment building, but neighborhood groups have adopted a similar strategy to rehabilitate vacant apartment buildings in other areas of the City.

Too many cities, hungry for tax revenue and good news, have actively promoted the luxury housing market, only to realize after the fact how much damage it had done to long-term residents. Syracuse has a chance to get out ahead of this now–to put its homes in the hands of the community before real estate becomes prohibitively expensive. Non-profit lending, the Land Bank, and cooperative ownership are all pieces of the puzzle. The community must take advantage.

Consolidation and the Public Schools

On Thursday February 9, Consensus released its final report on government efficiency in Onondaga County. The report contains both service level recommendations and City-County consolidation recommendations.

The service level recommendations are things like coordinated snow removal and modernized code enforcement. These are the kind of nuts and bolts ideas that can improve government for everyone in the County. They are worth consideration.

The City-County consolidation recommendations are a travesty. The proposed governance structure will deny city residents any real control in the new government. That is unacceptable as long as Consensus refuses to seriously address public education.

Consensus proposes dissolving the city government and enlarging the county legislature from 17 legislators to 33. 15 of these would represent suburban voters, 5 would represent city voters, and 9 would represent hybrid districts including both city and suburban voters. Voters across the County would elect an additional 4 at-large legislators.

This proposal guarantees the suburbs a majority in the only local governmental body that will represent city voters. Even if city voters make up the majority of all 9 hybrid districts, they will only elect 14 of the 33 legislators. Suburban voters will completely control 15 legislators, and they will outnumber city voters 2-1 in elections for the 4 at-large seats.

The City cannot expect to benefit from a government controlled by the suburbs unless the City can trust the suburbs. That cannot happen until city and suburban school districts merge.

Differences between public school districts drive the differences in housing prices across Onondaga County. Houses in highly rated suburban school districts cost more than houses in the poorly rated city school district. This draws families with money out to the suburbs and pushes families without money into the City, effectively segregating the County by income. The resulting disparities in property tax revenue create a cycle of ever poorer schools and communities in the City and ever richer schools and communities in the suburbs. When school performance, property values, and community wealth all hang together, it is in suburban voters’ interest to maintain this status quo at the City’s expense.

As long as talk of a consolidation ignores the public schools, the City and its suburbs will remain divided. As long as the City and its suburbs remain divided, the City cannot trust a government controlled by the suburbs. As long as the City does not trust a controlled by the suburbs, there is no point in talking about consolidation.